The international financial crises of the 1980s and 1990s have spawned widespread calls for reform of the "international financial architecture." A good deal of reform is already taking place:
To date, however, little reform has occurred in the functioning of the main international financial institutions (IFIs)—the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Two reports have recently been published on this set of issues. The first, from an Independent Task Force sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), was unanimously agreed by its members and released in September 1999. The group included a number of notable Americans including Paul Volcker, George Soros, several corporate CEOs, former Cabinet members Ray Marshall and Jim Schlesinger, top economists including Martin Feldstein and Paul Krugman, former members of Congress Lee Hamilton and Vin Weber, and political experts Ken Duberstein and Norman Ornstein. It was co-chaired by former cabinet members Peter G. Peterson and Carla Hills, and directed by my colleague Morris Goldstein.
The second report, released in March 2000, is from the International Financial Institutions Advisory Committee (IFIAC) created by Congress in 1998. According to the Dallas Morning News of March 13, its "majority was handpicked by (House Majority Leader Richard) Armey." The IFIAC split by a vote of 7 ½ – 3 ½ (with the halves reflecting the fact that one member signed both the majority and the dissenting statements). I and three colleagues submitted a joint dissent, which is included in the published report.
As the only person who was a member of both commissions, I believe it is valuable to compare the two reports in considering the proper path for reform of the IMF. There was significant agreement between them on several key issues:
The differences between the two reports, however, are much more significant than their similarities. Some of the central proposals of the IFIAC majority are radical, would almost certainly increase rather than decrease global monetary instability, and thus would be deeply injurious to the national interests of the United States. The differences between the CFR and IFIAC reports with respect to the IMF, the focus of today’s hearing, can be grouped under two main headings.
First, the IFIAC report paints a very misleading picture of the impact of the IFIs over the past fifty years. The economic record of that period is a success unparalleled in human history, both for the advanced industrial countries and for most of the developing nations. Hundreds of millions of the poorest people on earth have been lifted out of poverty. The severe monetary crises of recent years have been overcome quickly with little lasting impact on the world economy. The IFIs have contributed substantially to this record.
In his article on the IFIAC report in the Financial Times on March 8, Martin Wolf concluded that "on most measures, the IFIs have been a staggering success." The bottom line is unambiguously positive but the IFIAC majority portrays a negative picture that badly distorts reality. By contrast, the CFR report emphasizes that "As costly as the Asian crisis has been, no doubt we would have seen even deeper recessions, more competitive devaluations, more defaults and more resort to trade restrictions if no financial support had been provided by the IMF to the crisis countries."
Second, the recommendations of the IFIAC majority would severely undermine the ability of the IMF to deal with financial crises and hence would promote global instability. As Paul Krugman put it in his op-ed on the report in the New York Times on March 8, the majority "suggested restrictions that would in effect make even emergency lending impossible."
The problem is that the majority would authorize the Fund to lend only to countries that had prequalified for its assistance by meeting a series of criteria related to the stability of their domestic financial systems. This approach has two fatal flaws:
In contrast, the CFR report would retain the fiscal and monetary policy conditionality necessary to underpin improvements in the balance of payments in crisis countries, and it would avoid the "all or nothing" flaw of the IFIAC proposals by permitting IMF financial support to countries of systemic importance. At the same time, it would promote the proper incentives by allowing countries who did more to prevent crises to pay less for their IMF borrowing, and by permitting very large loans only after a super-majority of creditor countries had determined that the situation did indeed represent a systemic crisis.
The radical proposal of the IFIAC is based on the view that "moral hazard" is the dominant problem facing the global financial system. The problem with this view is that there is no empirical support for it. The majority’s argument that the Mexican support package caused the East Asia crisis is pure theory and, indeed, theology. The CFR report recognizes that some degree of "moral hazard" exists whenever insurance contracts are written but places that concern in proper perspective relative to other risks and addresses it through a series of much more constructive steps (smaller IMF lending packages, greater flexibility of exchange rates, greater private-sector sharing of debt workout costs, etc.).
The recent meetings in Washington of the IMF’s International Monetary and Financial Committee (IMFC), and of the Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors of the G-7, addressed several of these issues. They properly rejected virtually all of the radical proposals of the IFIAC majority:
I believe that neither the CFR nor the IFIAC reports, nor the recent IMFC and G-7 meetings, have addressed some of the key problems still facing the international monetary system. Proposals to deal with them are laid out in the additional views that I and several other participants appended to the CFR report:
Further reform of the international financial architecture thus remains essential. The CFR and IFIAC reports point the way toward a number of constructive steps. The IFIAC report also suggests a number of destructive ideas, however, that must be rejected. Secretary of the Treasury Lawrence Summers did so in his testimony to the House Banking Committee on March 23, echoing much of our joint dissent from the recommendations of the IFIAC majority, and so did the official bodies that met here recently. I believe that renewed attention to the CFR Report, in whose direction Secretary Summers has made several initial proposals, would be a fruitful step toward further desirable reform.
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